English Rights Campaign

to defend the rights and interests of the English nation

Friday, May 08, 2015

MAY 2015 GENERAL ELECTION




The outcome of the May 2015 general election has been a surprise outright win for the Tories. Quite why every opinion poll until the exit poll turned out to be a wrong indicator is a matter for the pollsters to consider. Political pundits and candidates themselves have stated that fear of an SNP influence on a Labour government was a late swing factor. It would seem that the Tory tactic of keeping the Scottish MPs at Westminster and frighten the English voters worked.


If that is true, then the rumbling English vote has had a major impact on the election result. The Tories have been able to trump UKIP on the English vote and this has enabled them to win the election. UKIP have only themselves to blame for this; they have repeatedly rejected any move towards properly addressing the issue of an English Parliament and have only finally done so in an exercise of 'Me Too'.


The SNP have swept to victory across Scotland. The feeling of national community – i.e. patriotism – has continued after the independence referendum and that feeling has expressed itself in SNP support.


By comparison, UKIP have failed to engender the same sense of national community with the English. UKIP, as its name implies, see themselves as British and reject Englishness. Although UKIP have achieved a significant vote in terms of votes cast, they have bombed in terms of seats won. They have simply clung on to one seat previously won in a by-election and lost another. Their campaign, was on their own admission lacklustre, and they failed to convert the momentum gained into victory in target seats. This is a failure of campaigning. UKIP have failed to develop a ideological counterargument to political correctness and are unable to oppose the establishment parties on an ideological level. UKIP played safe, highlighted the VAT on tampons, and made some controversial comments in a 'shock and awful' strategy. This ideological failure proved fatal as was the decision to tell its voters to vote Tory in those seats UKIP were not targeting.


UKIP were not alone in allowing the Tories to go almost unchallenged on the economy. Labour focused on a promise to spend more on the NHS and almost totally failed to defend themselves on their previous stewardship of the economy. They did not get it across that the Tories were fully supportive of both the lack of supervision of the banks, and of the massive bank bailouts and Quantitative Easing. The Tories have refused to insist that the banks clean up their act once elected. The Tories therefore shared some of the blame for the 2008 credit crunch and are solely responsible for the absence of a genuine recovery. The usual bounce-back following a recession has not occurred and the Tories are responsible for this. Labour ducked out of the economic argument and Ed Balls is surely as much to blame for this as Ed Miliband who, it should be acknowledged, personally fought a good campaign despite the personal attacks on him.


Ed Miliband bungled the handling of the SNP surge and committed himself to an unconvincing form of words about not seeking SNP support should Labour be in a position to form a minority government. This helped the Tory smear of the SNP issue and made Labour look shifty and dishonest. Of course Labour would have needed SNP support, would have had to have secured that support, and the parliamentary system makes this entirely proper. Ed Miliband resembled a philanderer who has been cheating on his wife, is trying to prevent a family row before Christmas, if only he could get his mistress to shut up. Whereas the mistress is determined to force the breakup of the marriage to her own advantage by publicizing the affair to the philanderer's family, friends, neighbours and work colleagues. Nicola Sturgeon would not shut up and was forever on television telling everybody all about how Miliband would be jumping into bed with her once the general election was over – and no detail was spared.


With the resignations as leaders of their parties by Ed Miliband, Nick Clegg and Nigel Farage [although Farage may put his name forward again]; the scale of the SNP strength; and with the Tories now having an overall majority, then Britain is in a new political landscape. David Cameron is a PR man. His panache is spin, stunts, gimmicks and image. Yet on the EU and the British constitution the Tories will be forced to take decisions and to govern; a failure to do so will be disastrous for Britain and for them. The EU referendum which Cameron has pledged himself to will be divisive and a major battle is looming should that referendum proceed. If the constitution of Britain is not rebalanced to create an English parliament and to settle Scotland's rebellion, then the danger that Scotland will embrace independence is very real. There needs to be a proper federal structure to govern all the countries of Britain equally. This is a critical, dangerous and difficult issue – but it will not go away and prompt action is needed. The pro-Labour constituency bias needs to be eliminated.


The Tories will not be able to blame the Liberal Democrats any longer for the continuance of mass immigration, illegal immigration, and the damage caused by political correctness including the Human Rights Act. The continuance of these problems will be solely the Tories' fault.


If the Tories deal with these issues well, then by the time of the next election the governance of England in particular will have been transformed for the better – with the more Conservative English public opinion properly reflected in England.


Up until the election the initiative was with UKIP and they have flunked it. The initiative now lies with the Tories.


There are dramatic times ahead.

Wednesday, May 06, 2015

MAY 2015 GENERAL ELECTION


From an English nationalist perspective, the dilemma is to decide which party to vote for in the May 2015 general election. None of the main parties are prepared to address those issues that adversely continue to affect the English.

 

The Tory/Liberal Democrat coalition government has been adept in taking credit for there being some economic growth – not least because of the scale of the bank pay-outs to compensate customers for their malpractice; and also because of the fall in the price of oil. However, the government have not rebalanced the economy and deep economic problems persist, in particular the increasing size of the balance of trade deficit. The government deficit has not been eliminated and a whole host of lavish spending policies have been promised during the election campaign.

 

Instead, the coalition government has concentrated on politically correct issues, including so-called green issues, massively increasing foreign aid, maintaining membership of the EU, mass immigration, gay rights etc. This all simply goes to prove that the Tory/Liberal Democrat coalition government is comprised of a couple of Trendy Toffs leading a motley collection of political dandies for whom political correctness is the latest fashion. The Labour Party is at least as bad.

 

Voting for the major parties carries the certainty of more of the same. There is a pressing need for a realignment on the right of British politics.

 

Even if comprehensive change for Britain is not possible, it is important that there is at least some change for the better. The EU remains a major stumbling block and its problems, both economic and political, are serious. It is vital that Britain faces up to the reality that continued membership is hostile to British interests and the only option is to leave if we are to regain our sovereignty and thus our ability to govern ourselves. There may be a referendum on the EU issue in the next few years, especially if yet more powers are due to be handed over. The choice is thus:

 

 

     

 

 

         

 

 

If you have no confidence that either of the above two will lead this country to freedom from the EU, with all the economic and political benefits that that would entail, then vote UKIP.

RACE WAR POLITICS



 
David Cameron has made what he considers to be a noble pledge during the election campaign that he would be setting a series of race quotas for the police, the armed forces, apprenticeships, university students and jobs. The aim is to impose a quota of 20% for ethnic minorities – despite the fact that they comprise roughly 14% of the total population according to the 2011 census.
 
This is an evil policy of steady, anti-English ethnic cleansing – in England. The Liberal Democrat Vince Cable announced the same target of 20% for company boardroom directors for ethnic minorities in November 2014. The target was adopted in consultation with Trevor Philips and Lenny Henry and is supported by the Institute of Directors.
 
This policy is shared by all the main political party leaders and its aim is to reduce the English into being a minority in England. This consensus has been totally ignored in the May 2015 general election and yet it is the most profound policy that the English nation faces. Immigration is not just about numbers and space. It goes far deeper.
 
Why should the English be taxed and that taxpayers' money be diverted away from those public services that it was originally intended for in order to destroy English nationhood? This is not a conflict between the English and ethnic minorities – which is how the politically correct are keen to promote it. Opinion polls show that the ethnic minorities themselves consider immigration to be too high and out of control. The battle is between the ordinary people and the British ruling class.

THE BRITISH INQUISITION



 
In 2008-09, there were allegedly 10,436 racist incidents in primary schools in England and Wales, another 19,223 in secondary schools, and 41 in nursery schools. The majority of incidents involved name-calling. In 51 cases, the police became involved.
 
Under the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000, teachers were required to name the alleged perpetrator of such incidents, name the alleged victim, set out the alleged incident and punishment in reports to the Local Educational Authorities. Heads who sent in 'nil' returns were condemned for 'under-reporting'.
 
That the persecution of even English schoolchildren, which is what it is, has continued under the  Tory/Liberal Democrat coalition merely shows the extent of their innate political correctness; it also shows the extent of the hatred of English society that that creed, so openly beloved by David Cameron, involves. Using terms such as 'Chinese boy', 'Somalian', 'gay' or even 'girl' can be sufficient for a child, even a nursery child, to be branded as racist, homophobic and prejudiced. Ofsted has become the government's engine for the persecution.
 
In June 2014, a small rural primary school in Devon was criticized for being insufficiently 'multicultural'. The school then organized sleepovers for pupils, at parents' expense, with a London school with a high number of non-English children. Another village primary school in Cumbria, with only 13 pupils, was put into special measures by Ofsted which accused the school of having too many incidents of racist and homophobic bullying, stemming from one incident of children using the term 'gay' in a politically incorrect way. The school is all white.
 
In November 2014, one high-performing primary school was condemned for lacking 'first-hand experience of the diverse make-up of modern British society' by Ofsted, which consequently downgraded the school's performance.
 
A Christian school in Reading was threatened with closure for not inviting imams and other religious leaders to take assemblies. Another school in Market Rasen was criticized because: 'The large majority of pupils are White British. Very few are from other ethnic groups, and currently no pupils speak English as an additional language'; the school was told to 'extend pupils' understanding of the cultural diversity of modern British society by creating opportunities for them to have first-hand interaction with their counterparts from different backgrounds'.
 
In January 2015, two schools fell foul of Ofsted. One was put into special measures because a 10 year-old did not give a politically correct answer a question as to what lesbians 'did'; the other school will be closed because one child gave a politically incorrect answer to a question as to what a Muslim was. An 11 year-old girl was asked if she was a virgin.
 
The persecution of schoolchildren is clearly not confined to issues of race. The Tory Education Secretary, Nicky Morgan, gave her very full backing to Ofsted in its campaign. One 10 year-old schoolgirl was upset to be held responsible for her school being placed into special measures because she gave a politically incorrect answer to the question: 'What is a lesbian?' The girl had replied that she did not want to talk about it. In another example, an 11 year-old girl was asked if she had any gay friends and even whether she had ever felt she was in the wrong body! The questions are aggressive and intimidatory.
 
Nicky Morgan has unveiled a £2million programme to tackle alleged homophobic bullying in schools, targeting even the youngest children. Recommendations include encouraging teachers to refer to gay people more in class.
 
Incredibly, even during the election campaign it was revealed that one primary school, with children as young as 3 years-old, requires pupils to sign a contract that they must: 'Be tolerant of others whatever their race, colour, gender, class, ability, physical challenge, faith, sexual orientation or lifestyle and refrain from using racist or homophobic or transphobic language in school'.
 
This politically correct paedophilia is being justified as being the promotion of British values. That is bunk. The whole concept of British values will fail because the politically correct are, as they were bound to do, interpreting those values as being political correctness.
 
What has held Britain together is not shared British values, but a sense of national unity, a shared history and a common British culture. With that in mind, the coalition government's disdain for the celebration of the Battle of Waterloo, for example, is divisive and damaging to any genuine attempt to promote national unity. Children should be encouraged to take pride in our national victories.

QUOTE OF THE MONTH [bonus]

'The trouble with this nation is that we have been brainwashed for years into believing that “it can't be done”. Britain has become the “Mr Can't” of the modern world. There are too many who are glad to sit around her, like Job's comforters, explaining why no great change is possible and that therefore she had better like or lump it. We moan and mope about our nationalized industries, which put nearly £1billion a year on to the borrowing requirement of the Exchequer and lose another £180million a year on top of that; but as soon as anyone suggests that if you don't like them, you had better set about getting shot of them and calling in private enterprise and the capital market to do the job, a whole chorus starts up to tell you not to think of such a thing. They don't even say “How wonderful it would be if that were possible! There must be some way or other to surmount the obstacles. Let's try and find it”. They seem not merely reconciled to the impossibility, but positively delighted about it.
 
The same applies to taxation. We have got into a frame of mind in which we are resigned to carrying approximately the same load of taxation until Kingdom Come, and think ourselves mighty lucky if it gets no heavier. So we spend our time debating whether it wouldn't be a bit more comfortable if we shifted a little of the load from one shoulder to the other. Why, only yesterday the Conservative Party conference chose to debate not reduction of taxation – oh dear, no; nothing so wild and irresponsible as that – but taking a bit of taxation off some people and putting it on to other people. Mind, you can hardly blame the public if they regard the tax burden as a whole as being something no more to be altered than the English weather or the other dispensations of providence. After all, during thirteen years of Conservative administration they watched the proportion of public expenditure to national income move downwards until 1958 and then move back up again till it was at the same level when Labour came back in 1964 as when Labour went out in 1951. It begins to look as if there were some law of nature behind it all and that one might as well try to eliminate gravitation as reduce taxation. The same chorus make their appearance, like the chorus of old men in a Greek tragedy, to sing to you the dirge of fate and tell you that every other nation is taxed just as much, or nearly as much, and so you had better keep a stiff upper lip, and shut up about it.
 
This is a perfect breeding ground for socialism. When the population are reduced to a condition of apathy and of disbelieving that it could ever be very different, the virus – I had to get that word in! - attacks them. The Tempter whispers in their ear: “Why struggle? In any case you can't escape. State socialism has all the inevitability of gradualness. So why don't you be sensible? Relax and enjoy it.”
 
Maybe we shall. I don't know. What I do know is that we don't have to. We are free to choose. We are free, if we wish, to choose a dramatic retrenchment in the claims of public expenditure and a drastic reduction in taxation.'




Enoch Powell then set out his own budget, during which he observed that: 'All government expenditure is popular with somebody, and large government expenditure is popular with large numbers of people.' He concluded his speech by returning to Mr Can't:


'The material words are “if it wills”. Of course, it is not easy; the easy things have always been done before you get there. Of course, it demands an intensive effort, spread over the lifetime of a parliament, and the criticism and abandonment of institutions and attitudes, some of which we have ourselves defended and even initiated. Of course, it means that big vested interests, bureaucratic and sectional, must be confronted, and confronted openly and directly. All I say is: there is a choice, the choice is open, and it is yours. Let no one cheat you out of your right to take part in that choice, to make your voice heard on one side or the other, by telling you that there is no choice at all and the thing is impossible. We are surrounded all day long by the great throng of those who lecture us on what we cannot do, until in the end John Bull is replaced as the national type by Mr Can't.
 
By all means, if you prefer it, go staggering along with your present growing load of taxation, with your present diminishing voice in the disposal of the national income which you create. The process slowed down a little at first when the Conservatives were in, and it has speeded up again since the socialists came in; but the caravan still moves unmistakenly onward and upward. If that is you pleasure and your decision, by all means go along with it. But let it never be said that you took no decision at all because you thought that there was none to take. Only that is impossible which you have not the will to do.'


Enoch Powell speaking at a Conservative Rally at the Alhambra Theatre, Morcambe, 11 October 1968

 

Tuesday, May 05, 2015

MAY 2015 GENERAL ELECTION

 

A government should be able, in part at least, to stand on its record when seeking re-election. One consistent theme to the present election is that people are cynical about vote-catching. Ordinary people have no confidence that the promises being freely made are likely to be carried through.


The Tories made a series of important promises prior to the last election. They promised, as did Labour and the Liberal Democrats, to hold a referendum on the Lisbon Treaty. They promptly dishonoured that. Instead we have been fobbed off with a promise that there would be another promise in this election campaign that the Tories would hold a referendum in 2017 – if they form a majority government. Since it is almost certain to be a coalition government then this promise is highly suspect and completely worthless if it is Labour who are putting together the coalition.


The Tories made a variety of hints and promises about English Votes for English Laws, repealing the so-called Human Rights Act, eliminating the government deficit, closing quangos, re-balancing the economy, sorting out the banks, etc., etc. - yet none of it has happened. Instead of these problems being solved they continue to get worse and yet more problems arise.


Then there is immigration. The Tory 'policy' [it was always a con] was to focus on net immigration and reduce that to tens of thousands. That of course requires that the numbers leaving the country are known, which they are not, and that there is nothing wrong with immigration, no matter where from, provided that sufficient indigenous English leave. In any event, the Tories have failed to spectacularly and net immigration is running at something like 300,000 a year.


We are supposed to believe that the Tories have actually tried to reduce immigration. The Home Secretary, Theresa May, is even looked upon as a right-winger. Illegal immigration continues apace. We are supposed to believe that the resources available to the British state, the border guards, police, armed forces, the legal system, the tax revenues, etc., and the existence of the English Channel, are insufficient to enable the government to secure the borders. We are supposed to assume that those organized crime rackets and terrorist networks that are smuggling illegal immigrants into Britain are too powerful. It is almost as if these people smugglers are James Bond super-villains with their own private army, satellites, underwater vessels and the odd bodyguard with super strength too. They are not super-villains. We are dealing with some low-life squatting in a tent outside Calais who is charging illegal immigrants to use his patch to break into Britain – with more assistance for more fees.


Yet we are supposed to believe that these low-lives are too powerful for the British state to cope with. This is tripe. What is lacking is the will to stop immigration. Drunk with political correctness and desperate to show-off their human rights credentials, the Tories are just too snooty to do their jobs properly.


Instead of standing on their record, the Tories are making suggestive moves to lure the voters. A bit of leg about an EU referendum; some cleavage about being concerned about immigration; some twerking about English Votes for English Laws. The Tories are cavorting around like drunken strippers.

Saturday, May 02, 2015

QUOTE OF THE MONTH


 
'Where we have won our greatest successes has been in London, in Rochester, in Shropshire, and, above all, in South Birmingham; where we have had candidates who have had a little courage, and who have dared to call their souls their own (laughter)- who have supported with all their might whole-heartedly the policy in which they believe, and who have earned and deserved to earn, the result of their courage. Victories in politics are like victories in war: they are won by enthusiasm; they are lost by timidity. It is not, after all, good policy – to say nothing at all about morality – it is not good policy to sit upon a fence (hear, hear). Now, I say, at the next election, whatever its result is to be, let us hold our banner high (cheers) – and we shall have plenty who will come to the standard. Let us fight, if we must fight, for something worth fighting for. I do not much like the modern political nomenclature, and I will not use it; but I will say that on the whole I believe that those who take “Thorough” as their guiding motto will be much more likely to be successful than those who are half-hearted and weak-kneed and trying to catch a breeze that will never come.'




- Joseph Chamberlain, speaking in Birmingham to the Grand Committee of the Birmingham Liberal Unionist Association, in May 1904.



 

THE NEED FOR AN ENGLISH PARLIAMENT



 

David Cameron and the Tories are making much of the prospect of the Labour Party getting into power as a result of support from SNP MPs, that number likely to be far higher than before due to the SNP surge.



Cameron and the Tories have been fully aware of the West Lothian Question for very many years. The SNP surge changes little; what it does do is make the problem more blatant. The Labour/SNP spat is nothing more than an internal socialist rearrangement.



Cameron blundered into the Scottish independence referendum, blundered into offering all sorts of goodies to try and win that referendum at the last minute, and has failed to settle the issue. He stood outside Downing Street to tell the world that the England must have its own devolution and that there would be English votes for English laws – and yet has done nothing. The Tories, as usual, have contented themselves in talking about doing something. Cameron has lately been prattling about a 'Carlisle Principle'. Were he genuinely concerned, rather than just electioneering, then he would have embraced the need for an English Parliament. What matters is the principle that all the countries of Britain are governed equally.



The fact is that the Tories are hostile to the English for politically correct reasons and they decided that it would be a good tactic to let the Scottish MPs continue to come trooping down to England as they thought it would give them an election issue they could attack Labour with.



This is disgraceful and the consequences of it could well be fatal both to the Tory hopes of forming another coalition and, far more importantly, to the existence of the United Kingdom.