THE EU
In
the Forward of the recent report entitled 'HM Treasury analysis: the
long-term economic impact of EU membership and the alternatives',
paid for with English taxpayers' money and circumventing the
referendum spending limits, George Osborne, the Chancellor, asks
'Does Britain want to continue to be a country that faces out to the
world? Do we want to be promoting our case at the top table of the
world’s institutions? Is our national security best served by
retreating from the world?' Osborne states that 'Using detailed
analysis and rigorous economic modelling, this document sets out the
Treasury’s assessment of the long-term economic impact of staying
in the EU compared to the alternatives'.
The
'analysis' re-hashes some of the earlier arguments contained in an
earlier document peddling pro-EU propaganda (see the English Rights
Campaign item dated the 19th March 2016). By basing the
'analysis' on the alternatives to which they have confined
themselves, the Treasury's latest report is, by definition, biased.
Osborne is aggressive about this: 'No country has been able to
negotiate any other sort of deal, and it would not be in the EU’s
interest to agree one.' Osborne insists that membership of a
'reformed EU' is necessary and that 'to put it simply, families would
be substantially worse off if Britain leaves the EU'. In fact, the EU
has not been reformed and the allegation is a lie.
Even
a casual glance at this 200 page document reveals it to lack any
semblance of objectivity. It is shameful that the referendum is being
corrupted by the use of taxpayers' money to fund such garbage and
those Brexit members of the Tory government would have been better
off resigning their posts en bloc in response. We are even
promised yet another report in the near future ('The short-term
economic impact will be assessed in a future government
publication'). One can hardly wait.
Osborne
concludes the Forward by asserting that 'I hope that armed with these
facts, the people of Britain will feel better informed and able to
make this historic choice with confidence'. Indeed we should have the
confidence to make an informed decision in the light of Osborne's
'analysis'. We should have the confidence to vote Leave.
The
report kicks off with an Executive Summary, which quickly asserts
that 'Much of the UK’s economic success is built on its long
history as an open trading nation. Openness to trade and investment
will be a key driver of the UK’s future economic security'.
Consequently, 'The key economic criteria for judging the UK’s
membership of the EU against the alternatives are therefore what it
would mean for the UK’s economic openness and interconnectedness.
This needs to be considered alongside the obligations that come with
securing that access and the influence the UK has over those
obligations'. From the outset, the report defines the issue in a way
that facilitates the conclusions it wants to give. We are told that
in order to achieve the openness (e.g. allow foreign firms to buy up
the best of Britain's assets) we must be prepared to accept the
'obligations' (such as mass immigration) that the EU is forcing upon
us.
The
3 models seen as an alternative to the EU are: 'membership of the
European Economic Area (EEA), like Norway; [or] a negotiated
bilateral agreement, such as that between the EU and Switzerland,
Turkey or Canada; [or] World Trade Organization (WTO) membership
without any form of specific agreement with the EU, like Russia or
Brazil'.
In
comparing EU membership with its alternative models, the report
states: 'The analysis in this document shows that under all 3 models,
the UK’s economic openness and interconnectedness would be reduced.
Trade and investment flows would be lower. The UK would be
permanently poorer if it left the EU and adopted any of these models.
Productivity and GDP per person would be lower in all these
alternative scenarios, as the costs substantially outweigh any
potential benefit of leaving the EU'. We are told that there will be
'substantially weaker tax receipts' and 'higher government borrowing
and debt, large tax rises or major cuts in public spending'.
But
the pro-EU vision does not end there. The report goes so far as to
claim: 'The total cost of leaving is likely to be higher. The new
settlement for the UK negotiated by the Prime Minister in February
2016 included an ambitious agenda of economic reform in the EU. This
will include the next stage of development of the Single Market, with
a focus on bringing down the remaining barriers to trade in services,
energy and digital, alongside completing major ongoing trade deals.
If the economic benefits of reform are realised this could increase
UK GDP by up to a further 4%'. It further alleges that if Britain
were to leave then these reforms would be 'less likely to happen'.
This is, of course, all pie in the sky.
The
report continues with repeated assertions that the EU has increased
the 'openness' of the British economy as a result of the Single
Market and the EU's trade deals with other countries. It alleges that
the benefits are greater than the costs of EU membership. It alleges
that: 'Trade as a share of national income has risen to over 60% in
the past decade, compared to under 30% in the years before the UK
joined the EU' (this specious allegation is dealt with below), and
that Britain should accept that 'EU membership means accepting the
regulatory framework associated with it'.
The
report is adamant that membership of the Single Market is a must, and
that the terms of that membership are obligatory, including the need
'to accept the free movement of people and continue to make financial
contributions to the EU'. Outside the EU, Britain would have to
implement rules decided by others, whereas inside the EU Britain 'has
significant influence over EU decision-making and the rules
associated with the Single Market. This includes veto rights in the
European Council'. This allegation is dishonest as Britain does not
have a veto, and is dependent upon support from other countries to
try and stop unwanted measures. Moreover, on leaving, Britain would
not have to implement the Free Market rules; only those few firms
that export to the EU would need to abide by EU rules, in the same
way that exporters have to abide by the rules of any export market.
The overwhelming majority of firms and organizations that do not
export to the EU will be freed from having to comply with EU red tape
(see the English Rights Campaign item dated the 7th May
2016).
The
report repeats that 'only the WTO alternative would free the UK from
all the formal obligations that come with access to the Single
Market'. This is true, but the report is totally unimaginative as to
the freedom that regaining control of our own trade policy would
bring and the advantages of that. Under the WTO rules we would be
free to enter into bilateral trade arrangements to our own advantage.
Nor would we have to tolerate hostile protectionist actions of
others, such as the Chinese dumping of steel at below cost of
production. We would be free to salvage our steel industry
irrespective of EU procedures.
At
one point the report comes close to admitting that Britain would be
better off out of the EU when it states: 'To allow the UK to access
the Single Market without agreeing to the rules of the Single Market
would put their own businesses and consumers at a disadvantage'! In
other words, were Britain to leave and yet be allowed to trade freely
with the Single Market, then British businesses would be better off.
The Osborne pitch is completely dependent upon his assertion that the
EU will refuse to make a free trade deal, and that such a deal is the
only thing that matters.
The
report makes a mystifying comment that openness 'underpinned'
Britain's 'economic revival following 3 decades of relative decline
after 1945'. This ignores the positive impact of North Sea oil in the
1980s, or the benefits of selling off the nationalized industries,
ignores the ERM calamity as well as the slump following the credit
crunch and subprime mortgages fiasco. This is truly an astonishing
rewriting of history.
This
analysis has now only reached page 13 of the 200 page report and has
yet to delve beyond the Executive Summary. To spare boring people,
The English Rights Campaign will focus on certain 'highlights' of the
remainder of the report.
Firstly,
the report repeatedly stresses the importance of the service sector
and of the importance of trying to persuade the EU to extend the
Single Market to services. To be clear, although there are other
services, it is the City about which the report is concerned: 'The
financial services industry is crucial to the success of the UK
economy. EU financial integration have helped UK financial firms grow
both in size and in the breadth of services they offer. Financial
services exports have increased from 1.6% of GDP in 1991 to 3.5% of
GDP in 2015'. Bankers can make more money if Britain remains in the
EU. As with the ruinous return to the Gold Standard after World War
One, the interests of the City are considered more important than the
interests of manufacturing. It cannot be stressed too much, the
reason why the service sector is supposedly so successful compared to
manufacturing is because manufacturing has been decimated by foreign
competition, including by unfair trade practices of other countries
(e.g. Chinese counterfeiting; N.B. see
The Ponzi Class:
Ponzi Economics, Globalization and Class Oppression in the 21st
Century,
chapter
11 – available
from Amazon, Kindle and CreateSpace).
Secondly,
the report lauds trade with other countries as being the only thing
that matters. For example it states: 'The key economic criterion for
judging the UK’s membership of the EU against the alternatives is,
therefore, what it would mean for the UK’s economic openness,
access to global markets and its ability to trade with the EU and the
rest of the world.' To be clear, by trade the report adds both
imports and exports: 'openness to trade, defined as total trade
(exports and imports) as a share of UK GDP, has increased
significantly over the past 5 decades – rising from 23% of GDP in
1965 to 64% in 2015'. This is a nonsense argument. On this 'logic'
the more Britain imports, and the bigger the trade deficit, the
better. The report does not treat the trade deficit as a problem at
all. In fact, it is a massive problem that is making Britain poorer
each year and the scale of the deficit with the EU demonstrates the
disaster that EU membership has been for Britain. The report itself
sets out a table showing that Britain has a trade surplus with the
rest of the world (despite the huge trade deficit with China),
whereas there is a massive trade deficit with the EU.
Thirdly,
the report argues that funding the deficit is a reason to vote to
remain in the EU: 'The UK ran a trade deficit of £67.8 billion with
the EU (3.6% of GDP) in 2015. This was comprised of a deficit in
goods of £88.7 billion (4.8% of GDP), but a surplus in services of
£20.9 billion (1.1% of GDP)', and that: 'The UK’s
current account deficit means it is also a net borrower from the rest
of the world. In turn, this implies the UK is exposed to changes in
the perceived riskiness of lending to the UK. This exposure has been
noted by the Governor of the Bank of England, who has said “the
possibility of a risk premium being attached to UK assets because of
certain developments exists, and that plays into the riskiness of the
situation”. In other words, if concerns about lending to the UK
increase, investors will require a return – or premium – for
bearing that risk, making it more expensive for the UK to fund its
current account deficit', and that: 'there might be a sudden stop in
the UK’s ability to finance its large current account deficit
outside the EU'.
Thus,
rather than pay for imported goods by successfully exporting goods,
under the Tories, Britain is content to run a massive balance of
trade deficit and to sell off assets and borrow to fund that deficit.
China, for example, is to be allowed to manipulate its currency, hack
into computers, counterfeit, exploit other protectionist measures,
and then spend the money it gets for its exports to Britain not on
British goods, but lend that money back so that we pay them interest
on it. This is not an economic model but a national bankruptcy model.
The EU is little better, exploiting the one-size-fits-all euro to
push down the prices of the manufactures from northern Europe and
hence leave Britain with a substantial balance of trade deficit with
them. Meanwhile, mass immigration continues uninterrupted, with the
government pocketing any extra tax revenues paid but doing little if
anything to meet the costs of that immigration, such as the strains
on hospitals, schools, roads, housing, etc. and assumes that yet more
immigrants will come to meet future costs. This is Ponzi economics
(see The
Ponzi Class: Ponzi Economics, Globalization and Class Oppression in
the 21st
Century,
chapter
12).
Osborne's
assertion that Britain should remain in the EU to allow this state of
affairs to continue is precisely why we need to vote to leave.
Osborne has to be stopped.
It
should be noted that Osborne's forecasts are based upon continuing
very high levels of immigration (contrary to stated government
immigration policy) and the ONS has recently estimated that the
population of Britain might even reach 80 million by 2039 (being
around 65 million now).
Fourthly,
the report perversely tries to turn the trade deficit into a pro-EU
factor: 'The UK’s current account deficit is identified by many of
the studies as a risk. The decline in investor confidence could be
amplified should overseas investors reassess the sustainability of
the UK current account, leading to a sharp fall in sterling. A
sterling depreciation is a common feature of the external analysis,
with a trade-weighted fall of 15% to 20% anticipated by Citi,
Goldman Sachs and HSBC. Most analyses recognise the potential for
higher inflation caused by the exchange rate depreciation to reduce
household real incomes and further depress consumer spending. Citi
estimate Consumer Price Index (CPI) inflation at 3% to 4%
year-on-year for several years, and HSBC see inflation increasing by
up to 5 percentage points in the near term depending on how far
import price rises are passed on to consumers.'
To
describe the deficit as a 'risk' is an understatement. It is deeply
damaging. It is unsustainable. Either trade is brought back into
balance or ultimately, when the assets that can be sold have run out
and the indebtedness reaches a ceiling of credibility, then there
will be a sharp collapse in the value of sterling and a sharp
economic contraction similar to that experienced by Greece. Yet
Osborne, as a Ponzi economist, thinks Britain can keep running the
deficit and that membership of the EU will facilitate this. Once
again, this is a reason to leave the EU. Britain needs to bring its
trade back into balance and thereby eliminate the risks associated
with the deficit, as well as substantially increase the national
prosperity and growth rate.
Fifthly,
the report tries to dazzle with a number of equations and talk of the
'gravity modelling approach'. It does not matter whether it be
described as 'the gravity modelling approach', or 'the back of the
envelope approach', or 'the we will say anything we think we can get
away with approach'. The fact is that the report is a sham. It is
devoid of common sense. It is divorced from reality. It is a
pretentious mishmash of excuses to remain in the EU regardless of the
true merits.
The
report, in particular with respect to its inability to tackle the
trade deficit, constitutes a very good reason to vote to leave for
the very reasons the report asserts Britain should remain. We need to
leave to stop Osborne and his fellow Ponzi economists from their
chosen economic path – their national bankruptcy model. We need to
leave to enable Britain to bring its trade back into balance. We need
to leave to stop mass immigration and all its accompanying costs,
financial and otherwise. We need to leave the Single Market.
A
Britain independent of the EU is a far more viable and appealing
prospect.
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